IES300 Residential Segregation & Neighborhood Conditions In USA these are the questions and i will upload the article bellow:1.Why, according to Massey, ar

IES300 Residential Segregation & Neighborhood Conditions In USA these are the questions and i will upload the article bellow:1.Why, according to Massey, are racial and ethnic segregation so important to people?2.What happened when auditors investigated housing and rental practices in a housing audit to determine discriminatory practices in renting apartments and houses?3.According to Massey, by what mechanisms and at what level is socioeconomic inequality perpetuated? (pp. 173-174)4.According to Massey, what can we do going forward? “Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Conditions in U.S. Metropolitan Areas”
By Douglas S. Massey
From: Smelser, Neil J., William Julius Wilson, and Faith Mitchell, Editors.
America Becoming: Racial Trends and Their Consequences. Volume I.
Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 2001.
Social scientists have long studied patterns of racial and ethnic segregation because of the close
connection between a group’s spatial position in society and its socioeconomic well-being.
Opportunities and resources are unevenly distributed in space; some neighborhoods have safer
streets, higher home values, better services, more effective schools, and more supportive peer
environments than others. As people and families improve their socioeconomic circumstances,
they generally move to gain access to these benefits. In doing so, they seek to convert past
socioeconomic achievements into improved residential circumstances, yielding tangible
immediate benefits and enhancing future prospects for social mobility by providing greater
access to residentially determined resources.
Throughout US history, racial and ethnic groups arriving in the United States for the first time
have settled in enclaves located close to an urban core, in areas of mixed land use, old housing,
poor services, and low or decreasing socioeconomic status. As group members build up time in
the city, however, and as their socioeconomic status rises, they have tended to move out of these
enclaves into areas that offer more amenities and improved conditions—areas in which majority
members are more prevalent—leading to their progressive spatial assimilation into society.
The twin processes of immigrant settlement, on the one hand, and spatial assimilation, on the
other, combine to yield a diversity of segregation patterns across groups and times, depending on
the particular histories of in-migration and socioeconomic mobility involved (Massey, 1985).
Groups experiencing recent rapid in-migration and slow socioeconomic mobility tend to display
relatively high levels of segregation, whereas those with rapid rates of economic mobility and
slow rates of in-migration tend to be more integrated.
When avenues of spatial assimilation are systematically blocked by prejudice and discrimination,
however, residential segregation increases and persists over time. New minorities arrive in the
city and settle within enclaves, but their subsequent spatial mobility is stymied, and ethnic
concentrations increase until the enclaves are filled, whereupon group members are forced into
adjacent areas, thus expanding the boundaries of the enclave (Duncan and Duncan, 1957). In the
United States, most immigrant groups experienced relatively few residential barriers, so levels of
ethnic segregation historically were not very high. Using a standard segregation index (the index
of dissimilarity), which varies from 0 to 100, European ethnic groups rarely had indexes of more
than 60 (Massey, 1985; Massey and Denton, 1992).
Blacks, in contrast, traditionally experienced severe prejudice and discrimination in urban
housing markets. As they moved into urban areas from 1900 to 1960, therefore, their segregation
indices rose to unprecedented heights, compared with earlier times and groups. By mid-century,
segregation indices exceeded 60 virtually everywhere; and in the largest Black communities they
often reached 80 or more (Massey and Denton, 1989b, 1993).
Such high indices of residential segregation imply a restriction of opportunity for Blacks
compared with other groups. Discriminatory barriers in urban housing markets mean individual
Black citizens are less able to capitalize on their hard-won attainments and achieve desirable
residential locations. Compared with Whites of similar social status, Blacks tend to live in
systematically disadvantaged neighborhoods, even within suburbs (Schneider and Logan, 1982;
Massey et al., 1987; Massey and Fong, 1990; Massey and Denton, 1992).
In a very real way, barriers to spatial mobility are barriers to social mobility; and a racially
segregated society cannot logically claim to be “color blind.” The way a group is spatially
incorporated into society is as important to its socioeconomic well-being as the manner in which
it is incorporated into the labor force. It is important, therefore, that levels and trends in
residential segregation be documented so that this variable can be incorporated fully into
research and theorizing about the causes of urban poverty. To accomplish this, presented here is
an overview and interpretation of historical trends in the residential segregation of Blacks,
Hispanics, and Asians.
LONG-TERM TRENDS IN BLACK SEGREGATION
Massey and Hajnal (1995) examined historical trends in Black segregation at the state, county,
municipal, and neighborhood levels. Their interpretation focused on two specific time periodspre-World War II; 1900 to 1940; and postwar, from 1950 to 1990. Table 13-1 presents their data
on the geographic structure of Black segregation and racial isolation during the earlier period.
Because of data limitations, segregation or isolation at the municipal level during this early
period could not be measured.
As Table 13-1 shows, Blacks and Whites were distinctly segregated from one another across
state boundaries early in the twentieth century. In 1900, for example, 64 percent of all Blacks
would have had to move to a different state to achieve an even distribution across state lines, and
most Blacks lived in a state that was 36 percent Black. These figures simply state the obvious,
that in 1900, some 90 percent of Blacks lived in a handful of southern states, which contained
only 25 percent of all Whites (US Bureau of the Census, 1979).
The isolation index shows that in the South, most Blacks lived in rural counties that were
approximately 45 percent Black, yielding a high degree of segregation and racial isolation at the
county level as well. The dissimilarity index for 1900 reveals that nearly 70 percent of all Blacks
would have had to shift their county of residence to achieve an even racial distribution across
county lines.
At the beginning of this century, for Blacks, the typical residential setting was southern and
rural; for Whites it was northern and urban. Under conditions of high state- and county-level
segregation, race relations remained largely a regional problem centered in the South. Successive
waves of Black migration out of the rural South into the urban North transformed the geographic
structure of Black segregation during the twentieth century, however, ending the regional
isolation and rural confinement of Blacks. From 1900 to 1940, the index of Black-White dissimilarity fell from 64 to 52 at the state level and from 69 to 59 at the county level. Black isolation
likewise dropped from 36 to 24 within states, and from 45 to 32 within counties.
The movement of Blacks out of rural areas, however, was accompa nied by their progressive
segregation within cities. Although we lack indices of Black-White dissimilarity for 1900,
research has demonstrated that Blacks were not particularly segregated in northern cities during
the nineteenth century. Ward-level dissimilarity for Blacks in 11 northern cities circa 1860 had
average indices of approximately 46 (Massey and Denton, 1993).
Residential segregation was measured using the index of dissimilarity, and racial isolation was measured using the
P* index (Massey and Denton, 1988). The index of dissimilarity is the relative number of Blacks who would have to
change geographic units so that an even Black-White spatial distribution could be achieved. The P* index is the
percentage of Blacks residing in the geographic unit of the average Black person.
394
RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND NEIGHBORHOOD CONDITIOt-.
TABLE 13-1 Indices of Black-White Segregation Computed at Three
Geographic Levels, 1900 to 1940
Years
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
Dissimilarity
64
65
61
54
52
Isolation
36
34
30
25
24
Dissimilarity
69
70
66
60
59
Isolation
45
43
38
33
32
Dissimilarity
Boston
Buffalo

64
63
65
72
78
81
79
82
Chicago

67
76
85
83
Cincinnati
Cleveland
Philadelphia
Pittsburgh
St. Louis

47
61
46
44
54
57
70
48
43
62
73
85
63
61
82
77
86
68
65
84

56
62
76
78
06
04
10
10
08
16
12
13
10
11
06
15
13
08
16
12
17
13
15
10
38
27
24
21
17
30
23
19
24
70
45
51
27
27
47
39
Between states
Between counties
Between wards
Average
Isolation
Boston
Buffalo
Chicago
Cincinnati
Cleveland
Philadelphia
Pittsburgh
St. Louis
Average
–SOURCE: Massey and Hajnal (1995).
By 1910, however, the eight cities listed in Table 13-1 had an average index of 56, and the level
of Black-White dissimilarity increased sharply during each decade after 1910, suggesting the
progressive formation of Black ghettos in cities throughout the nation. As Lieberson (1980) has
shown, the growth of Black populations in urban areas triggered the imposition of higher levels
of racial segregation within cities. Before the U.S. Supreme Court declared them unconstitutional
in 1916, many U.S. cities actually passed apartheid laws establishing separate Black and White
districts. Thereafter, however, segregation was achieved by less formal means (see Massey and
Denton, 1993:26-42). Whatever the mechanism, the end result was a rapid increase in Black
residential segregation, with the neighborhood segregation index rising from 56 to 78 between
1910 and 1940, a remarkable increase of 39 percent in just three decades.
The combination of growing urban Black populations and higher levels of segregation could
only produce one possible outcome—higher levels of Black isolation. In 1900, the relatively
small number of urban Blacks and the rather low level of Black-White segregation resulted in a
low degree of racial isolation within neighborhoods. Among the eight cities shown in Table 13-1,
the average isolation index was just 10; the typical urban Black resident lived in a ward that was
90 percent non-Black. Moreover, the index of isolation did not vary substantially from city to
city. Urban Blacks early in the century were quite likely to know and interact socially with
Whites (Massey and Denton, 1993:19-26). Indeed, on average they were more likely to share a
neighborhood with a White person than with a Black person.
By 1930, however, the geographic structure of segregation had changed dramatically, shifting
from state and county levels to the neighborhood level. The average isolation index was now 39
in neighborhoods, indicating that most Black residents in the cities under study lived in a ward
that was almost 40 percent Black. In some cities, the degree of racial isolation reached truly
extreme levels. The transformation was most dramatic in Chicago, where the isolation index
went from 10 in 1900 to 70 in 1930, by which time, moreover, the dissimilarity index had
reached 85. Similar conditions of intense Black segregation occurred in Cleveland, which by
1930 displayed a dissimilarity index of 85 and an isolation index of 51.
During the first half of the twentieth century, therefore, Black segregation was characterized by
countervailing trends at opposite ends of the American geographic hierarchy. As Blacks and
Whites became more integrated across states and counties, and as the regional isolation of Blacks
declined, progressively higher levels of segregation were imposed on Blacks within cities. The
regional integration of Blacks was accompanied by neighborhood segregation in the creation of
urban ghettos that caused higher indices of segregation at the neighborhood level. In the course
of this shift, however, one outcome remained constant: White exposure to Blacks was
minimized. The only thing that changed was the geographic level at which the most extreme
indices of segregation occurred.
Table 13-2 shows trends in Black segregation and racial isolation during the decades following
World War II. In addition to indices computed at the state, county, and neighborhood levels, data
permit a series of measures to be computed at the city level. These computations are based on
cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants and measure the degree to which Blacks and Whites
reside in separate municipalities.
From 1950 to 1970, the move toward integration at the state county levels continued as Black
out-migration from the South accelerated after World War II. At the state level, the Black-White
index dropped from 42 in 1950 to 28 in 1970, and at the county 52 to 47. Over the same period,
the degree of Black isolation from 20 to 16 at the state level, and from 27 to 23 in counties. As a
from 1900 to 1970, macro-level segregation largely disappeared from United States. Indices of
Black segregation and racial isolation at the level were cut in half, with segregation going from
64 to 28 and from 36 to 16. Through a process of out-migration and regional redistribution,
Blacks and Whites came to live together in states and counties throughout the nation. By 1970,
race relations were no longer a problem peculiar to the South; race relations became a salient
issue national scope and importance.
The integration of Blacks at the state and county levels around 1970, when Black migration from
the South waned and then reversed, causing state-level indices to stabilize. After 1970, the index
Black-White dissimilarity at state levels remained fixed at 28, while isolation held virtually
constant at 16 or 17. At the county level, indices of Black-White dissimilarity varied narrowly
from 46 to 48, while the degree of Black isolation increased slightly from 23 to 26.
At the neighborhood level, however, Black segregation continued to increase from 1950 to 1970,
although at a decelerating pace that reflected the high level of racial segregation already
achieved. The average similarity index for the 12 metropolitan areas shown in Table 13-2 stood
at 77 in 1950, rising to 81 in 1960, and 83 in 1970. Throughout this period, the average index of
Black isolation stood at 67, indicating that most Black urban dwellers lived in a census tract2
that was two-thirds Black. Thus the geographic structure of segregation that emerged early in the
century was fully formed and stable by 1970. Whites and Blacks were integrated at the state and
county levels, but segregated at the neighborhood level. Of the 12 metropolitan areas shown in
the table, 9 had tract-level dissimilarity indices in excess of 80 in 1970, and 8 had isolation
indices of 66 or more. By the end of the Civil Rights era, the geographic isolation of urban
Blacks, on the neighborhood level, was nearly complete. Although the number of cases
examined here is small, the trends are consistent with those listed by Massey and Denton (1987),
based on a larger sample of metropolitan areas.
The Fair Housing Act of 1968 theoretically put an end to discrimination; however, residential
segregation proved to be remarkably persistent (Massey and Denton, 1993:186-216). Among the
12 shown in Table B-2, the average segregation index fell slightly from 1970 to 1990, going
from 83 to 75, but Black isolation indices hardly changed. Scanning trends among individual
metropolitan areas, it is difficult to detect a consistent pattern toward residential integration
between 1970 and 1990, although Frey and Farley (1994) report some movement toward
integration in smaller metropolitan areas, particularly those containing small Black populations,
military bases, universities, or large stocks post-1970 housing.
397
DOUGLAS S. MASSEY
TABLE 13-2 Indices of Black-White Segregation Computed at Four
Geographic Levels, 1950 to 1990
Years
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
42
34
28
28
28
20
18
16
17
17
Dissimilari ty
52
49
47
48
46
Isolation
27
24
23
26
26
35
19
35
24
40
29
49
35
49
35
88
87
87
83
59
71
77
86
71
69
65
90
90
90
87
67
79
80
86
76
75
69
92
91
87
88
65
78
82
91
80
75
83
88
88
78
87
56
70
76
84
79
73
64
86
85
75
88
60
67
74
83
77
71
58
77
81
83
77
75

84
80
78
47
42
86
82
73
76
56
66
65
74
68
54
42
83
80
65
77
50
59
62
70
70
54
26
84
81
62
82
56
64
61
72
72
53
36
67
67
63
66
Between counties
.Between cities (>25,000)
Dissimilarity
Isolation
Between tracts
Dissimilarity
Chicago
Cleveland
Dayton
Detroit
Greensboro
Houston
Indianapolis
Milwaukee
Philadelphia
Pittsburgh
San Diego
Average
Isolation
Chicago
Cleveland
Dayton
Detroit
Greensboro
Houston
Indianapolis
Milwaukee
Philadelphia
Pittsburgh
San Diego
64
73

Average
SOURCE: Massey and Hajnal (1995).
Tracts are relatively small, homogenous spatial units of 3,000 to 6,000 people defined by the U.S. Bureau of the Census to approximate urban
“neighborhoods” (White, 1987). Although the Census Bureau endeavors to maintain constant boundaries between censuses, population shifts
and physical changes invariably require reclassifications that yield small inconsistencies over time. These changes, however, are unlikely to
affect broad trends and patterns.
Despite the relative stability of segregation achieved by 1970 at the state, county, and
neighborhood levels, a remarkable change was occurring at the city level. From 1950 onward,
Blacks and Whites were becoming more and more segregated across municipal boundaries. After
1950, Blacks and Whites not only tended to live in different neighborhoods; increasingly they
lived in different municipalities as well. After 1950, in other words, Blacks and Whites came to
reside in wholly different towns and cities. From 1950 to 1980, the index of Black-White
dissimilarity increased from 35 to 49 at the municipal level, a change of 40 percent in just 30
years, a shift that was remarkably similar to the rapid change observed in neighborhood-level
segregation during the early period of ghetto formation. Black isolation went from an index of 19
to 35 at the municipal level, an increase of 84 percent. By the end of the 1970s, the average
Black urban dweller lived in a municipality that was 35 Black; and one-half of all urban Blacks
would have had to exchange places with Whites to achieve an even municipal distribution.
The emergence of significant municipal-level segregation in the United States reflects
demographic trends that occurred in all parts of the urban hierarchy—in non-metropolitan areas
as well as central cities and suburbs. In 1950, there were no predominantly Black central cities in
the United States. Among cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants, none had a Black
percentage in excess of 50 percent. By 1990, however, 14 cities were at least 50 percent Black,
including Atlanta, Baltimore, Detroit, Gary, Newark, New Orleans, and Washington; together
they were home to 11 percent of all Blacks in the United States. In addition, another 11 cities
were approaching Black majorities by 1990, with percentages ranging from 40 percent to 50
percent, including Cleveland, St. Louis, and Oakland. Among cities with populations of 25,000
or more, only two municipalities in the entire United States were more than 50 percent Black in
1950, both in the South; but by 1990 the number had increased to 40. Some of these cities—such
as Prichard, Alabama; Kinston, North Carolina; and Vicksburg, Mississippi—were located in
non-metropolitan areas of the South. Others—such as Maywood, Illinois; Highland Park, Michigan; and Inglewood, California—were suburbs of large central cities in the North and West.
RECENT TRENDS IN BLACK SEGREGATION
Table 13-3 shows indicators of Black residential segregation for the 30 U.S. metropolitan areas
with the largest Black populations. As in Tables 13-1 and 13-2, these data are used to evaluate
racial segregation from two vantage points. The first three columns show trends in the indices of
spatial separation between Blacks and Whites using the index of dissimilarity, and the next three
columns show trends in indices of Black residential isolation. The indices for 1970 and 1980,
from Massey and Denton (1987), are metropo…
Purchase answer to see full
attachment

Don't use plagiarized sources. Get Your Custom Essay on
IES300 Residential Segregation & Neighborhood Conditions In USA these are the questions and i will upload the article bellow:1.Why, according to Massey, ar
Just from $13/Page
Order Essay
Homework Market Pro
Calculate your paper price
Pages (550 words)
Approximate price: -

Our Unique Features

Custom Papers Means Custom Papers

This is what custom writing means to us: Your essay starts from scratch. Plagiarism is unacceptable. We demand the originality of our academic essay writers and they only deliver authentic and original papers. 100% guaranteed! If your final version is not as expected, we will revise it immediately.

Qualified and Experienced Essay Writers

Our team consists of carefully selected writers with in-depth expertise. Each writer in our team is selected based on their writing skills and experience. Each team member is able to provide plagiarism-free, authentic and high-quality content within a short turnaround time.

Free Unlimited Revisions

If you think we missed something, send your order for a free revision. You have 10 days to submit the order for review after you have received the final document. You can do this yourself after logging into your personal account or by contacting our support.

Prompt Delivery and 100% Assuarance

We understand you. Spending your hard earned money on a writing service is a big deal. It is a big investment and it is difficult to make the decision. That is why we support our claims with guarantees. We want you to be reassured as soon as you place your order. Here are our guarantees: Your deadlines are important to us. When ordering, please note that delivery will take place no later than the expiry date.

100% Originality & Confidentiality

Every paper we write for every order is 100% original. To support this, we would be happy to provide you with a plagiarism analysis report on request.We use several writing tools checks to ensure that all documents you receive are free from plagiarism. Our editors carefully review all quotations in the text. We also promise maximum confidentiality in all of our services.

24/7 Customer Support

We help students, business professionals and job seekers around the world in multiple time zones. We also understand that students often keep crazy schedules. No problem. We are there for you around the clock. If you need help at any time, please contact us. An agent is always available for you.

Try it now!

Calculate the price of your order

Total price:
$0.00

How it works?

Follow these simple steps to get your paper done

Place your order

Fill in the order form and provide all details of your assignment.

Proceed with the payment

Choose the payment system that suits you most.

Receive the final file

Once your paper is ready, we will email it to you.

Our Services

Our services are second to none. Every time you place an order, you get a personal and original paper of the highest quality.

Essays

Essay Writing Service

While a college paper is the most common order we receive, we want you to understand that we have college writers for virtually everything, including: High school and college essays Papers, book reviews, case studies, lab reports, tests All graduate level projects, including theses and dissertations Admissions and scholarship essays Resumes and CV’s Web content, copywriting, blogs, articles Business writing – reports, marketing material, white papers Research and data collection/analysis of any type.

Admissions

Any Kind of Essay Writing!

Whether you are a high school student struggling with writing five-paragraph essays, an undergraduate management student stressing over a research paper, or a graduate student in the middle of a thesis or dissertation, homeworkmarketpro.com has a writer for you. We can also provide admissions or scholarship essays, a resume or CV, as well as web content or articles. Writing an essay for college admission takes a certain kind of writer. They have to be knowledgeable about your subject and be able to grasp the purpose of the essay.

Reviews

Quality Check and Editing Support

Every paper is subject to a strict editorial and revision process. This is to ensure that your document is complete and accurate and that all of your instructions have been followed carefully including creating reference lists in the formats APA, Harvard, MLA, Chicago / Turabian.

Reviews

Prices and Discounts

We are happy to say that we offer some of the most competitive prices in this industry. Since many of our customers are students, job seekers and small entrepreneurs, we know that money is a problem. Therefore, you will find better prices with us compared to writing services of this calibre.